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But, couched between its high-sounding principles and its policy of Luso-Tropicalism, Portugal marched ever onwards to the beat of its own drum, seemingly oblivious to its impending fate. Portuguese Prime Minister, Dr Salazar, had ruled over Portugal's colonies with an iron fist for over thirty years, enforcing a draconian racial policy on the African territories, whereby the population of the New State was categorised into 'native', white and 'assimilated' groups, and the colonies as a whole, with their burgeoning economies, were bound to the dictates of the European state.
The 1950s had also given birth toa variety of politically oriented movements promoting protest and resistance. In Salazar's Estado Novo, such groupings were prohibited and we3re ultimately forced to go undergroud or operate from neighbouring states. A deep sense of frustration built up accompanied by a hardeing of attitudes. Angola was ripe for insurrection. Long-standing grievances showed little sign of being addressed and general administrative arrogance and repression ensued.
On 4 February 1961, the day regarded by the MPLA as the start of its national revolution, the storm broke. Taken unawares by the shock of the uprisings in Angola, and the subsequent bloody Bacongo insurrection on 15 March 1961, Portugal was to plunge its armed forces, untested since World War I, into an urgent counter-offensive.
The Angolian war has been described as the bloodiest colonial insurgency in the history of Africa south of the Sahara. But it was to become a conflict that Portugal would lose not on the battlefield, but in the hearts of its own citizens. After a thirteen-year war of attrition in Angola, and facing increasing setbacks in two of its other war-torn territories, an enervated Portugal with its weary armed forces would deal the final blow to itself.
In Angola, Portugal's new government would lose control over the process of decolonisation, the results of which are still being experienced today."